Shaheed Bhutto
was born on 5th of January 1928. Incidentally, this was the year when
for the first time Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah came to stay at Bhutto’s
ancestral home ‘Al-Murtaza’ at Larkana, on invitation of Sir Shahnawaz
Bhutto, who presided over Sindh Mohammedans Association. Both the
leaders developed a very intimate relationship, which grew further when
Sir Shahnawaz, along with his family, shifted to Bombay as a Minister in
the Bombay Presidency, where Jinnah practised as a lawyer. Both of them
had a common physician and friend in Dr. Pinto, who was famous for his
evening tea parties attended by the giants of Indian politics.
Zulfikar was just six years old when the family shifted to Bombay.
Bhuttos lived in their palatial home ‘The Nest’ in the most sought after
residential area of the metropolis. Young Zulfikar was admitted in the
city’s most prestigious Cathedral High School, which was near the famous
bachelor doctor’s clinic. His keen interest in the politics can be
judged from the fact that after attending his school he used to go to
Dr. Pinto’s clinic to listen to the discussions going on amongst the top
most leadership of India on the intricate constitutional, political and
socio-economic issues confronting the subcontinent. It was during this
period that Zulfikar developed a great reverence, respect and admiration
for Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah.
A seventeen-year-old Zulfikar wrote a letter to Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah
in April 1945. He wrote: “You, Sir, have brought us on one platform,
under one flag, and the cry of every Muslim should be onward to
Pakistan. Our destiny is Pakistan. Our aim is Pakistan. Nobody can stop
us. We are a nation by ourselves and India is a subcontinent. You have
inspired us and we are proud of you. Being still in school, I am unable
to help the establishment of our sacred land. But the time will come
when I will even sacrifice my life for Pakistan.” And true to his word,
he sacrificed his life for Pakistan exactly thirty-four years later in
April 1979.
Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah wrote back young Zulfikar, from his Mount
Pleasant Road residence at Malabar Hills of Bombay on 1st of May 1945,
advising him as follows:
I was very glad to read your letter of 26th April and to note that
you have been following the various political events. I would advise
you, if you are interested in politics, to make a thorough study of it.
But, don’t neglect your education, and when you have completed your
student’s career, I have no doubt that you will be all better qualified
if you study thoroughly the political problems of India, when you enter
the struggle of life.
Signed: M.A. Jinnah
A year later, Zulfikar enlisted himself as a political activist and
strategist for the cause of Pakistan under the command of Quaid-e-Azam
Jinnah. It was the time when India’s political landscape was infused
with unprecedented heat and fury. The conflict amongst the three main
parties, the British, the Congress and the Muslim League, had
intensified to almost no-return level. Jinnah’s all out efforts to
retain a united India had failed due to the Congress leadership’s
inflexible attitude. Many political developments had taken place.
Several proposals had been discussed. But, the issue relating to the
status of Muslims in the future scheme of things in the subcontinent was
not getting resolved. By now, Jinnah had lost the last shred of faith
in united India. Against this backdrop, when the cabinet mission plan
could not bear any positive result, Jinnah directed the Muslims to
observe Direct Action Day on 16 August 1946 to make it clear for
everybody that Muslims had their own entity and strength.
However, in the city of Bombay, Muslims were in a negligible
minority. There was almost no likelihood of the success of the direct
action day in Bombay. But, Quaid-e-Azam wanted to make it a success in
the city was considered the nerve-centre of the subcontinent and a
successful day was bound to yield a tremendous psychological benefit to
the advantage to the Muslims. In this backdrop, Mr. Jinnah invited
nineteen-year old Zulfikar and some other active Muslim students to his
residence. Most of the students were evasive and did not forward any
concrete proposal in view of brute majority of Hindus in the city.
‘Every one talked in circles and used vague language. I remarked that
Bombay was a Maharashtrian stronghold and Elphinstone College was a
student fortress of Maharashtrian militant students. Some kind of strike
in Elphinstone College would have a tremendous psychological effect,’
remembered Shaheed Bhutto later.
Zulfikar knew the college principal’s son who was his classmate. Both
of them rounded up around two hundred of their fellow students and
staged a sit-in at the entrance of the college. The police were called
but the principal, anxious to avoid hurting his own son, closed down the
college instead of asking the police to clear the entrance. Next day
all the leading newspapers of the city carried the news of successful
protest demonstration and closure of the college in response to the
direct action day called by Mr. Jinnah. Quaid-e-Azam was very pleased
over the successful strategy and operation by young Zulfikar.
After passing his Senior Cambridge, Zulfikar got admission in the
University of Southern California in the United States to become the
first person from his family to go for foreign education. It was
September 1947 and just a few days had passed since the new country,
Pakistan, had appeared on the map of the world. Always an active and
socialising man, he quickly adjusted himself in his new environs and
took up his studies. He was very fond of books and his special interest
was in history. He had read almost the entire literature available on
history and economics. Coupled with his interest in his studies was his
active participation in the co-curricular activities. Since his student
days, he had very strong communication skills. In university, he joined
the debating team and emerged as one of the most remarkable and
outstanding speakers, becoming a most sought after person amongst his
friends and fellows.
Even in the foreign lands his love and reverence for Jinnah remained
unaffected. For him he always used to say, ‘That is my man! That is my
idol, the man I respect’. Shortly after Quaid-e-Azam’s death in
September 1948, he wrote a letter to Pakistan’s ambassador in United
States Mr. Hassan Isphani, who also was one of Jinnah’s closest friends.
Zulfikar wrote: “(We) have been orphaned at this crucial moment when we
needed more than any other the force, the torrential magnanimity of our
beloved leader…. Though the Quaid is no longer with us, yet his pure
virgin spirit will remain forever fertile in our mind. His entire life
was a struggle for the betterment and emancipation of his people.”
During his summer holidays, when the rest of his fellow students
preferred to have fun, Zulfikar chose to spend his free time as a
volunteer in the Pakistan Embassy in Washington. One of the papers he
wrote there dealt with the man he highly revered. He wrote: “Jinnah is
solely responsible for the creation of a state for those whom he led in
the struggle for the emancipation of their lives. His dream of creating a
Muslim homeland, Pakistan, was a great dream, and the realisation of
his dream has been nothing short of a miracle, for it has been an
achievement carried out single-handily. He has led a people who were
thoroughly derelict and disunited and depressed. He was a God-inspired
Man, a man with purity of heart, with unbelievable audacity and unique
courage and determination.”
After spending a little less than two years at the University of
Southern California, in June 1949, Zulfikar moved to Berkeley for his
further studies. It was here that he contested the first election of his
life by running for the seat of Representative-at-Large on the
Students’ Council. He was the only non-American candidate out of seven
in the contest. And as social and popular he was; he won the election
with quite a good margin.
In 1950, he went to England to study jurisprudence and law at
Oxford’s Christ Church College. His chosen subjects required three years
of learning at the university. Always eager to do things ahead of time,
he wanted to do it in two years. When his counselor knew that he did
not have any background in Latin, a compulsory subject and prerequisite
for understanding the Roman Law, he advised Zulfikar to do it in three
years, telling him, “You know even our own best boys would not be able
to do it in two years.” Zulfikar replied that he would do it in two
years, “because of what he had said and I had to show him that I had the
brains as good as the British boys, if not better,’ Shaheed Bhutto
recalled later. And he did the course in two years and got high honors.
The Oxford professor was so impressed that he became his admirer and a
lifelong friend.
Zulfikar returned back to Pakistan in 1953, the year his daughter
Benazir was born. He was now a Barrister, with a degree from one of the
world’s most prestigious institution. He joined Karachi Bar and also
lectured at a law college on honorary basis. But, his primary interest
was in the Constitutional issues facing the country. This was the time
when the first constituent assembly was still striving to arrive at some
Constitutional formula agreeable to all the five federating units, and
two wings separated by a thousand miles of Indian territory, in the
backdrop of their cultural, ethnic, regional, racial and linguistic
differences. Zulfikar wrote articles in the leading newspapers
suggesting a framework for the future Constitution. Though at that time
the exercise did not bore fruit, but two decades later culminated in
form of the Constitution of 1973, unanimously agreed and approved by the
Parliament, when he himself was the elected leader of the country.
In 1957 Zulfikar was chosen to represent Pakistan at the United
Nations General Assembly. It was a singular achievement for somebody
less than thirty years old, to be called to represent his country at the
highest international forum. Zulfikar’s grip on his subject, style of
presentation, logic and vision highly impressed his listeners at the
world assembly that November. Next year, he was offered to be a Central
Minister in Government of Pakistan. He accepted the offer and was
entrusted the portfolio of Commerce Ministry, becoming the youngest
cabinet member the country ever had. This placed a great deal more
responsibilities on his shoulders. But, as hard working and devoted
person he was, he dedicated himself to his work. On the basis of his
outstanding performance, he was entrusted about half a dozen more
ministries and divisions to look after.
Few years later, Zulfikar was appointed the foreign minister of the
country. “[He] was well qualified to fill it on account of his penchant
for foreign affairs, his abilities, and his academic background… Tall,
dashing, flamboyant and brilliant, he seemed to be cut out for the job,”
opined Hamid Yousuf in his book Pakistan: A study of Political
Developments 1947-97. As the Foreign Minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
brought much needed moderation in the foreign policy of the country,
especially bringing about a balance in the country’s relations with the
then two superpowers. Another bold initiative by him was his support for
China’s admission in the United Nations. He was very popular amongst
the international political leadership. During one of his official visit
to Washington in October 1963, he called on President Kennedy in the
White House. When the meeting ended, President Kennedy shook foreign
minister Bhutto’s hand and remarked, ‘If you were an American you would
be in my Cabinet’. Bhutto sharply retorted: ‘Be careful, Mr President,
if I were American, I would be in your place’. At which they both
laughed heartily.
By 1966, Shaheed Bhutto developed serious differences with the
government of President Ayub over post war handling and resigned from
the cabinet. This proved to be the beginning of Shaheed Bhutto’s career
as the most popular leader of the country. He saw two opposite
phenomenon taking place simultaneously in his political life. While, on
one hand his rupture with the government brought him under the wrath of
the military ruler who used every possible weapon in his armoury —
threats, murder attempt, false cases – to subdue his will, he tasted, on
the other hand, for the first time the great mystic love amongst the
common people for him for taking a principled based stand. When, after
quitting his cabinet position, he reached Lahore on the night of 20 June
1966, he saw a sea of people filled every inch of the space on the
platforms. He was garlanded, his hands were kissed, and he was lifted
onto shoulders by thousands of his admirers who had flocked just to
catch a glimpse of him. The handkerchief, with which he wiped his eyes
filled with tears, was later sold for thousands of rupees.
Following months and years witnessed the country in the grip of
political turmoil. East Pakistan had exploded in an open rebellion. West
Pakistan was groaning under the weight of an unpopular military despot,
who was fast losing his grip on power. Zulfikar’s popularity grew by
leaps and bounds. He had emerged as the only hope to most of the
Pakistanis. In December 1967, he founded Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP),
the party which would remain the most popular party in Pakistan since
its foundation. The foundation of the party was laid at Lahore, where he
addressed the delegates and presented the motto of the new party. It
was to be a centrist party. The delegates approved the proposal and the
PPP came into being with him as the founder Chairman.
“The first floor of our house at 70 Clifton, Karachi, began to serve
as a branch office of the PPP,” remembered his daughter Benazir Bhutto,
who would succeed him as the leader of the party. The party launched its
offices all over the country — in huts, small shops and modest houses
of PPP workers — where unending crowds gathered to secure the membership
and pay the nominal subscription fees. Very soon, whole of the country
was in the grip of an unprecedented agitation and unrest against Ayub
Khan’s government. There was not a single day when there would not be a
procession or a public meeting somewhere in the country. Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto addressed numerous rallies, fearlessly attacking the policies of
the rulers. When this became unbearable for the government, an attempt
was made on his life.
When this could not intimidate to dauntless Zulfikar, he was arrested
and sent to Mianwali Jail, one of the worst prisons in Pakistan, where
he was kept in solitary confinement. This gave birth to violent
agitation in the country. The President could speak nowhere in public
without getting shot at or causing a riot. Everywhere people demanded an
end to his rule and the release of Zulfikar. Finding no other way, in
February 1969, the government decided to shift him from the jail to his
Larkana house, where he was placed under house arrest for some more time
before releasing him. Finally, by March 1969, President Ayub decided to
step down. But, instead of handing over power to the political
leadership, he invited the army chief to take over the country who
proclaimed martial law, bringing the country into yet another crisis.
The military government headed by General Yahya Khan undid the
One-Unit scheme, which had amalgamated four provinces of the West
Pakistan into one unit. The policies of the martial law authorities
deepened the already existing gulf amongst the five provinces, and more
so between the two wings of the country. In this backdrop Pakistan was
going to have general elections that December, for the first time in its
quarter century history. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s Pakistan Peoples Party
was one of the major contenders in the election, with an agenda to
provide basic necessities of life, Roti, Kapra aur Makan (Food, clothing
and shelter) to all the citizens of Pakistan. The election took place
on 7th December 1970. PPP won a majority in the western wing, securing
82 of 138 National Assembly seats. Shaheed Bhutto himself won five seats
of National Assembly from various constituencies and from different
provinces. Most of his party candidates had defeated big feudal lords as
well as wealthy and influential political rivals, setting a new trend
in the country’s politics.
However, the things were different in the eastern wing of Pakistan,
one thousand miles away beyond the eastern border of India. There Awami
League had captured, almost unopposed, the entire bloc of seats on the
basis of its ‘Six-Points’ agenda. It provided for an extremely weak
federal structure with limited jurisdiction to defence and foreign
affairs, minus foreign trade and aid. The scheme envisaged a federal
government having neither taxing authority, nor foreign exchange
resources of its own. It was to meet its expenses out of the amounts
provided to it by the federating units. Each of the federating units was
authorised to levy taxes, control the use of its foreign exchange
resources, make and carry out its fiscal policy independent of the
federation. Furthermore, each of the federating units had to have their
own currency, or their own Federal Reserve banks to prevent the transfer
of resources and flight of capital from one region to the other. The
federating units were to have the authority to raise and maintain their
own paramilitary forces.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, being a federalist was naturally against this
anti-federalist scheme. Two wings of the country, separated by a
thousand miles of Indian Territory, had two totally divergent
ideological grounds. It was a conflict like that between the North and
South American States in 1860s, when two slogans and two ideologies —
United States of America and Confederate States of America — pulled the
country down. It was a struggle between the forces of federation and
confederation. Here Shaheed Bhutto took a leaf out of Abraham Lincoln.
But, unlike Abraham Lincoln he was without power and helpless. The
country was in for a crisis as at this most crucial hour of Pakistan’s
political history an army general of mediocre intellect presided over
the destiny of the country.
Once in power, the general indulged excessively in women and wine,
leaving matters of state in the hands of his unimaginative and
incompetent advisors to the extent that his military chief had to advise
his military governors “not to implement the President’s verbal orders,
if given to them personally by him after 10 p.m.” In such circumstances
the tension between the two wings increased by every passing day. East
Pakistani leadership hardened their stance on their anti-federalist
formula, while West Pakistani leadership led by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
insisted for federalist structure. The Awami League went for agitation
in the East Pakistan and effectively took control of the entire wing.
Instead of finding a political solution, the nervous military President
ordered for military action in the wing, which further alienated the
local population. General KM Arif later wrote: “The military action
caused casualties which further alienated the people. At considerable
political cost, a modicum of order had been restored. But the people
lost confidence in the government. Their wounds were bleeding.”
At this juncture India intervened and sent her army in East
Pakistani. A war broke out. Pakistani army was fighting against heavy
odds, the most important being the alienation of the people of East
Pakistan. Soon the separation of East Pakistan became evident. At a
belated stage the Generals turned towards Zulfikar for their salvation,
to help saving what could be saved of the country. There was not a
single Pakistani leader except Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, as Dr. Henry
Kissinger later noted, who could match the stature, caliber and
influence of the Indian leaders. He was to win the losing battle at the
negotiation table of United Nations.
Just few days before the war was formally over, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
was designated as the Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister to
represent Pakistan at UN and safeguard the remaining Pakistan. He
immediately rushed to New York and engaged himself immediately in
damage-control efforts. By then, East Pakistan had virtually gone out of
hand, while West Pakistan was most vulnerable to the Indian advances.
Worst of all, the moral of the nation and the armed forces had touched
the lowest ebb. He initiated his diplomatic endeavours with his meeting
with Dr Kissinger at the house of the then US Ambassador to United
Nations, Mr George Bush, who later became US President and is father of
the present US President Mr. George W. Bush.
Recalling his meeting with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto that December, Dr.
Kissinger wrote: “The next morning, still in New York City, I met for
breakfast with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who had been appointed Deputy Prime
Minister a few days before, in the elegant apartment of our UN
Ambassador at the Waldorf Towers… Elegant, eloquent, subtle, Bhutto was
at last a representative who would be able to compete with the Indian
leaders for public attention…. I found him brilliant charming, of global
stature in his perceptions. He could distinguish posturing from policy.
He did not suffer fools gladly. Since he had many to contend with, this
provided him with more than the ordinary share of enemies. He was not
really comfortable with the plodding pace of Pakistan’s military
leaders… But in the days of his country’s tragedy he held the remnant of
his nation together and restored its self-confidence. In its hour of
greatest need, he saved his country from complete destruction.”
Despite his best efforts, Zulfikar could only ensure the integrity,
security and intactness of the present Pakistan. In East Pakistan the
Pakistani army commander surrendered before his Indian counterpart and
the wing became an independent country Bangladesh. The news of the
separation of East Pakistan and army’s surrender resulted in mass
rallies and demonstration all over the country. The demand for immediate
transfer of power to elected civilian leadership grew louder and
louder. Unfortunately, the military rulers were still planning to hang
on, but an incident in National Defence College, where the young
officers hooted upon and hurled abuses on the army chief when he tried
to address them, changed generals’ perceptions and compelled them to
transfer power to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
He was still away from the country, when he received the cable from
home to reach immediately and take over reigns of the remains of the
country. As soon as he arrived, he was rushed to the Presidency, where
he was handed over the power of a broken and a most demoralised
Pakistan. He had to ‘pick up the pieces, very small pieces,’ as he said
in his televised broadcast. ‘We will make a new Pakistan, a prosperous
and progressive Pakistan, a Pakistan free of exploitation, a Pakistan
envisaged by the Quaid-e-Azam. I want the flowering of our society… I
want suffocation to end… This is not the way civilised countries are
run. Civilisation means Civil Rule… democracy … We have to rebuild
democratic institutions … We have to rebuild hope in the future,’
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the President of Pakistan shared his ideals with
his countrymen.
The first task before Zulfikar Ali Bhutto after assuming power was to
get the country back to normalcy. Pakistan’s international image had
nose-dived due to the alleged atrocities of military action in the
former East Pakistan. India held more than 93,000 Pakistani soldiers as
the prisoners of war and occupied 5139 square miles of Pakistani
territory. On the other hand, Pakistan held only 637 Indian personnel
and 69 square miles of India’s territory. The balance of power had never
been that heavily tilted in favour of India since 1947. Defeated and
dismembered Pakistan wanted to regain on negotiation table what the
country had lost at the battleground. On the other hand, India wanted to
extract maximum advantage out of its position as the victor of the war.
The stage was set at Indian hill station Simla for a diplomatic
encounter between the two celebrated political leaders of their
respective countries, Mrs Indra Gandhi and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
Before leaving for Simla, Shaheed Bhutto visited fourteen Muslim
countries in the region and obtained public assurances of their support
for the cause of Pakistan. At home he consulted the opposition leaders,
industrial workers, students, teachers, lawyers, journalists, religious
leaders, and the military commanders. Hence, he was going to India as a
sole spokesman of his own country as well as the important Muslim
nations of the region. This tactical move enhanced his strength to match
that of victor India. At Simla, the negotiations were deadlocked. But,
thanks to his diplomatic skills, the situation was saved and the two
countries were able to sign an agreement that has ushered the longest
spell of peace between the two countries since their independence.
The provisions provided that the territories occupied by either
country along the recognised international border would be vacated. This
for Pakistan meant that its more than five thousand square miles area
in its two key provinces, Sindh and Punjab, shall be freed from Indian
forces, allowing hundreds of thousands of Pakistan’s uprooted people to
return back to their homes. On the other hand, Pakistan had to vacate
less than seventy square miles that its army had captured during the
war. One of the two most important immediate objectives of Pakistan, to
get back its occupied land and the prisoners of war, was achieved with
full marks. Regarding the release of Pakistani prisoners of war, though
it was not stated in the agreement, the India formally agreed to
repatriate them subject to the concurrence of the Government of newly
born Bangladesh: the concurrence that came after sometime when Pakistan
formally recognised Bangladesh. Even his critics regard the Accord as
one of the greatest achievement of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
The next most important contribution by Shaheed Bhutto to Pakistan
was providing the country a Constitution framed by the representatives
of the people. It was irony that the country since its independence had
still been without a Constitution. Two dictatorial regimes had tried to
provide two constitutions in 1956 and 1962, but both of them had
disappeared with the disappearance of their authors. Since his assuming
the power Zulfikar Ali Bhutto focused his utmost attention to the task
of Constitution framing. On 17th April 1972, a parliamentary committee
was appointed to prepare a draft. But, the task of preparing an
acceptable draft for all the divergent ethnic, cultural and ideological
groups in the country was most difficult one. There was a chronic
controversy, whether the form of the government should be presidential
or parliamentary democracy. Then, there was a conflict on the division
of powers between the federation and the four provinces. All these
issues had made the framing of the constitution, which should be
agreeable to all the federating units and political parties in the
National Assembly, a Herculean task.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s determination won the day and finally, after
long discussions amongst the parliamentary committees, public debates,
and candid discussions spread over about a year, on 10th of April 1973,
the National Assembly adopted the Constitution without dissent. Under
the new constitution, the country had to have a federal parliamentary
system with a bicameral legislature and a constitutional head. The
executive power was to vest in the Prime Minister. The four provinces
were to have statuary powers. It provided for adult franchise as the
basis of election for the national and provincial assemblies. This is
the Constitution, which is still intact in Pakistan. It is Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto’s baby. Even his worst enemies and the dictatorial regimes
including his executioner General Zia could not dare to abrogate it;
they could only suspend it for time being.
In February 1974, Shaheed Bhutto hosted an Islamic Summit Conference
at Lahore. This was the most important assembly of the top leaders from
all the thirty-eight Muslim nations, comprising one fifth of the
mankind. They included King Faisal of Saudi Arabia, President Anwer
Saddat of Egypt, Colonel Qaddafi of Libya, Shaikh Mujib Ur Rehman of
Bangladesh, Chairman Yassar Arafat of Palestine Liberation Organization
and almost every other monarch, president and prime minister of the
Islamic World. “In the name of Allah, most gracious, most merciful,”
This unprecedented large assembly lasted for three days and took stock
of all the important issues relating to the Islamic nations spread all
over the world. At the end of the Conference, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was
elected Chairman of the Organisation of Islamic Conference.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was standing at the pinnacle of his popularity
and power, when he decided in the beginning of 1977 to hold national
elections in March that year. “I am going to call for additional land
reforms,” he told his daughter Benazir. “And I am also going to call for
elections in March. The Constitution doesn’t require elections until
August, but I see no need to wait. The democratic institutions we have
installed under the Constitution are in place. The parliament and
provincial governments are functioning. With a mandate now from the
people, we can move on more easily to the second phase of
implementation, expanding the industrial base of the country,
modernising agriculture by sinking new tube-wells, increasing seed
distribution and fertiliser production,” he shared his vision of a
forward looking and prosperous Pakistan.
All the independent observers agreed that Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto was riding on the crest of his popularity and there was not even
a slightest chance of his losing the elections. Predictions were there
that he may acquire a two-third or may be three-fourth majority in the
National Assembly. The Opposition was in complete disarray. These were
mostly the parties, ranging from religious right to outright leftist,
which had been rejected by the people of Pakistan for many times in the
past. They held divergent views to such an extent that they were even
not ready to sit under one roof. Suddenly, just a day after the
announcement of the elections nine political parties and splinter groups
formed an alliance namely Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) to confront
PPP candidates.
The worst of all, the chief of army staff General Zia ul Haq was
nourishing secret ambitions to get the power in his hands, as two of his
not very distant past predecessors, Ayub and Yahya, had done.
Outwardly, “Zia of course, continued to behave as deferentially as ever
toward the prime minister, smiling, bowing, quietly accepting whatever
Bhutto told him with the seeming humility for which he was to become
famous the world over,” wrote Bhutto’s biographer Stanley Wolpert. Zia
had leanings towards a very well organized and very well funded
religious political party, which served as backbone of the opposition
alliance. The opposition and army chief alliance was set for a big
showdown with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and the democratic forces.
To gain the public support, the PNA decided to run their election
campaign on the slogan of Islam, promising that they would return back
the system of governance and the society to the days of the beginning of
Islam, fourteen centuries earlier. But, still with all these tactics,
the Opposition was not able to win popular support anywhere in the
country except for few urban centers. From the very start, the PNA
launched its campaign with two basic ingredients: Islam and hatred for
Bhutto, the symbol of progressive mindset. During all these days of
electioneering, the PNA was again and again saying that they would
accept the results of election only if they were declared as the
winners. ‘If PPP won the elections,’ they held openly, ‘they would never
accept the results.’ The language became harsher and harsher with open
death threats to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in the oppositions public meetings.
On the appointed day, some seventeen million eligible voters cast
their votes for their representatives in the National Assembly. The PPP
received a little less than sixty percent of the popular vote, while the
PNA secured more than thirty-five percent of the votes. There were
certain complaints about stuffing the ballot boxes or rigging of the
elections in certain constituencies. Making them a base the PNA charted a
course of agitation. Following weeks saw the agitation turning into a
terrorist movement. Following negotiations between the government and
PNA, both the parties reached to an agreement in the late hours of 4th
July. This was against the desire and wishes of army Chief General Zia
who wanted to take over and impose martial law. “One day, when he
(Zulfikar Ali Bhutto) returned from the office, on the dinner, he looked
agitated,” recalled Benazir. “He said that General Sharif [Chairman of
JCSC] had just come to meet him and had alerted him that General Zia ul
Haq was up to no good, and might be planning some kind of coup.” When
ZAB inquired from his ISI chief, he showed his ignorance and attributed
the warning to his ill will towards General Zia; because General Sharif
was not made the army chief.
But, the ISI chief was wrong. General Zia had fully prepared his plan
for removal of the elected government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. The
General had already sent his family out of the country. Lieutenant
General Faiz Ali Chishti, the Corp Commander of 10th Corp, the area
covering the federal capital later wrote in his book: “When Gen. Zia
ordered me to take over and execute the ‘Operation Fair-play,’ he may
well have feared for the security of his family in the event of an
abortive coup. In any event, Gen. Zia’s family was not in Pakistan on
July 4/5. He had shifted his family to UK during negotiations, under the
plea of his daughter’s operation. Two sons and three daughters along
with his wife were all abroad.”
Not only this, the General had also prepared very well to flee from
the country, in case of any such eventuality. General Chishti narrates
an interesting tale: “On the night of the coup, my Corps Intelligence
Chief told me that there was one ‘Puma’ helicopter ready to take off at
short notice from Dhamial. It could have been for the PM or for Gen.
Zia. But it was unlikely to have been for the PM because he did not know
what was happening, and secondly he would not leave his family behind.
In any case he had nothing at stake. It could have been for Gen. Zia,
because he had everything at stake. What would happen to him if
Operation Fair-play had failed? I recollected his last sentence to me
after giving orders. ‘Murshid, do not get me killed.’ So I ordered my
Intelligence Chief to keep an eye on the helicopter and not let it take
off. It did not matter who the passenger was going to be.”
The ambitious army chief had not taken into confidence most of his
senior colleagues. The senior army command, unaware of such development,
was called at an odd hour, 11.00 O’ clock in the night on 4th July for a
meeting with the army chief at the General Headquarters. “When the
invitees inquired about agenda for discussion, Brigadier Khalid Latif
Butt, Personal Secretary to General Zia, had a stock reply: ‘No
preparatory work is needed for the meeting,’ wrote General Zia’s most
confidant colleague, his Chief of Staff, General KM Arif. A little after
midnight, the army contingents took over the important installations
including Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s official residence, where he was
sleeping along with his family, unaware of any eventuality. He did not
resist the coup and saved his family and him from perhaps immediate
execution as had happened in breakaway Bangladesh few years back.
Years later, the executioner of the coup, Corps Commander General
Chishti wrote: “Just one recoilless rifle or tank could instantly kill
the PM and his entire family… I have been blamed by some for not killing
Mr Bhutto the night the army took over. I have also been blamed by some
for installing Gen. Zia as CMLA after the successful execution of the
coup. I have no regrets on both counts.”
With imposition of martial law that night, the country ushered into a
Dark Age once again. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was taken into custody and
shifted to the nearby Murree. The General promised that the army was
there just for ninety days, to hold impartial and fair elections. When
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto called the army chief, while the coup was
progressing, the General said, “Sir, in three months time I will be
saluting you again as the Prime Minister. This is my promise.” Next day
the General told the nation on radio and television “My sole aim is to
organize free and fair elections which would be held in October this
year. Soon after polls, the power will be transferred to the elected
representatives of people. I give a solemn assurance that I will not
deviate from this schedule.” Eventually he would hold his first
elections, that too on non-party basis, in 1985, after ninety months!
After some time, the military government released Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
from the protective custody, believing that his charisma was over. But,
this was a grave miscalculation. As soon as he came out, hundreds of
thousands people came out to greet him, listen to him, and to pledge
their unflinching support for him. It was quite evident that in case of
holding elections Zulfikar Ali Bhutto would return back to power, with
more votes than he ever had got in the past. Zia charted a new course of
action, to end the very life of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Less than two
months of the imposition of martial law, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was
re-arrested on 3rd September 1977, this time charged with conspiracy to
murder a political opponent. Within no time an upright high court judge
granted him bail and he was set free. He was arrested again.
The huge crowds, which the PPP was getting all over the country, were
phenomenal. Zia countered it by launching an ‘accountability process,’ a
whipping horse every Pakistani establishment has flogged. The
Government released a number of ‘White Papers’ telling the people how
‘bad and unworthy of their love’ Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was. But, all this
propaganda could not bring the desired results. Instead of decreasing,
the size of the crowds increased. The outcome of the promised polls was
evident before their actually taking place. The Chief Martial Law
Administrator could not stomach it anymore and cancelled the elections
that he had promised to hold in October. The country had entered into a
dark tunnel with dead end for the next eleven years.
These were the most turbulent times of Pakistan’s history, when
flogging was the most favourite punishment of the sadistic ruler, who
liked listening to the screams of the hapless political workers being
flogged in public. The shrieks were relayed on loudspeakers through the
microphones fixed near the mouths of the victims of this torture.
Countless political workers, journalists, lawyers and other sections of
intelligentsia bore the brunt of the dictatorship on their bare backs.
Under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s directives the PPP filed a petition in the
Supreme Court, challenging the imposition of martial law. A court ruling
upholding the Constitution would have in effect made Zia liable to a
charge of high treason. But, unfortunately, the court found a rescue in
the ‘Doctrine of Necessity.’
The proceedings in the murder case against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto began
in the Lahore High Court, where Moulvi Mushtaq, a Zia-appointee, worked
as the ‘acting’ Chief Justice. The only outstanding qualification of the
man was that he belonged to Zia’s native district, Jallandhur in the
Indian East Punjab, coupled with his hate for Bhutto. National and
international observers were astonished to observe the degree of hatred
and animosity being shown by the presiding judge of the bench towards
the ‘accused.’ As was expected, the bench on 18th March 1978 declared
him guilty and sentenced him to death. Whole of the case depended just
upon the statement of a State-Approver, a former Director General of
Federal Security Force (FSF) that he had ordered the killing of Kasuri
on the verbal instructions of the Prime Minister! In a most bizarre way,
even the ‘witnesses were briefed on what they should say,’ noted Ian
Talbot in his book on history of Pakistan.
Following decision of the Lahore High Court, an appeal was filed in
the Supreme Court. A nine-member bench was constituted to be presided
over by Chief Justice Anwarul Haq, and included Justices Qaiser Khan,
Waheeduddin Ahmed, Muhammad Akram, Dorab Patel, Muhammad Haleem, Ghulam
Safdar Shah, Karam Ellahi Chauhan and Nasim Hassan Shah. Though Zia had
appointed some of the judges on the bench, still the old guards
over-weighted their more ‘realistic’ colleagues, who had recently joined
them. The proceedings prolonged and one of the senior judges retired,
while the other was declared ‘incapacitated’ following his illness. The
majority was reduced to minority.
Out of the remaining seven, three senior judges, Justices Muhammad
Haleem, G. Safdar Shah and Dorab Patel, acquitted Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
honorably. While the chief justice along with three of his other brother
judges, two of whom were the latest entrants, found the appeal not
maintainable and upheld the death sentence for Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. The
ratio that might have been 5 to 4 had become 3 to 4. Zia’s CGS, General
K.M. Arif later wrote, “The judgment might have been different if those
two judges had still been on the bench at the time of decision.” The
narrow majority decision was delivered despite the fact that the death
sentence was unprecedented in cases of abatement to murder. It is
perhaps because of the dubious nature of the verdict that it has never
been reported as a judicial precedent anywhere in the world during last
twenty years!
Following the death sentence, whole of the world leadership arose in
unison to appeal the military leader not to carry out the punishment.
But Zia’s role was dubious. He was not saying no to any of the foreign
government, but had decided to execute the elected leader of the
country. Benazir and her mother were detained at Sihala at that time. It
was a solitary confinement during which they were effectively cut off
from the rest of the world. Suspended in a balance of hope and horror,
both she and her mother prayed for a miracle to happen.
But, it was destined to be otherwise. In most unprecedented haste,
Zia rejected all the mercy petitions received from all over the world to
save her father’s life. On 3rd April 1979, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s wife
and eldest daughter Benazir were informed that they were to be taken for
the last meeting with him in Rawalpindi Jail. Both the daughter and the
mother, ash-faced, were taken into a speeding jeep from Sihala Police
Camp to Rawalpindi Prison. They were taken to the cell, where Zulfikar
Ali Bhutto, unaware of this new development, was sitting on a mattress
on the floor. They had taken away even a chair and a table besides the
bed from his cell which itself was a dingy and drab, and hot like an
oven. He was surprised to see them both at same time, because his
captors had never allowed both of his daughter and wife to see him
together.
The pain, agony and the anguish, a daughter could feel, when she
beholds, helplessly, her innocent father going to the gallows at the
hands of an illegitimate usurper and a tyrant, was unimaginable. But,
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was calm. He was a student of history. He was going
to be a part of history, as a martyr, an upright man, and a man who had a
romance with the masses. It was not a losing deal for him. Just half an
hour was available to them to meet for the very last time. “Half an
hour. Half an hour to say good-bye to the person I love more than any
other one in my life. The pain in my chest tightens into a vice. I must
not cry. I must not break down and make my father’s ordeal any more
difficult,” Benazir later wrote in her biography.
Murtaza, Shahnawaz and Sanam were out of the country. “Give my love
to the other children. “Tell Mir and Sunny and Shah that I have tried to
be a good father and wish I could have said good-bye to them,” Zulfikar
Ali Bhutto conveyed his last regards. None of the two of his listeners
could reply. “You have both suffered a lot,” he addressed them. “Now
that they are going to kill me tonight, I want to free you as well. If
you want to, you can leave Pakistan while the Constitution is suspended
and Martial Law imposed. If you want peace of mind and to pick up your
lives again, then you might want to go to Europe. I give you my
permission. You can go.” Benazir is unable to reply. Her mother could
hardly speak. “No. No. We can’t go. We’ll never go. The General must not
think they have won. Zia has scheduled elections again, though who
knows if he will dare to hold them? If we leave, there will be no one to
lead the party, the party you built.”
“And you, Pinkie? Zulfikar Ali Bhutto asked Benazir.
“I could never go,” came a firm reply.
“I am so glad. You don’t know how much I love you. You are my jewel. You always have been,” a happy father told his daughter.
Time was up by then. The last meeting had ended. It was time to say
goodbye to each other, for the last time in the living life. The time to
depart. How much they wanted to hug each other, the most loved-one.
But, the iron bars stood in between them. Benazir asked the jail
superintendent, standing close by, to open the door just for a moment so
that she could embrace her father for the last time! The request was
refused. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto brought his hand out of the space within
the bars and kept it on his daughter’s head. He gave her his good wishes
for the last time! The meeting was over.
Hours later, by middle of the night, he was martyred.
=======================================================================
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Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was born on January 5, 1928. He was the only son of Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto completed his early education from Bombay’s Cathedral High School. In 1947, he joined the University of Southern California, and later the University of California at Berkeley in June 1949. After completing his degree with honors in Political Science at Berkeley in June 1950, he was admitted to Oxford.
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto married Nusrat Isphahani on September 8, 1951. He was called to Bar at Lincoln’s Inn in 1953, and the same year his first child, Benazir Bhutto, was born on June 21. On his return to Pakistan, Bhutto started practicing Law at Dingomal’s.
In 1958, he joined President Iskander Mirza’s Cabinet as Commerce Minister. He was the youngest Minister in Ayub Khans Cabinet. In 1963, he took over the post of Foreign Minister from Muhammad Ali Bogra.
His first major achievement was to conclude the Sino-Pakistan boundary agreement on March 2, 1963. In mid 1964, Bhutto helped convince Ayub of the wisdom of establishing closer economic and diplomatic links with Turkey and Iran. The trio later on formed the R. C. D. In June 1966, Bhutto left Ayub’s Cabinet over differences concerning the Tashkent Agreement.
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto launched Pakistan Peoples Party after leaving Ayub’s Cabinet. In the general elections held in December 1970, P. P. P. won a large majority in West Pakistan but failed to reach an agreement with Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman, the majority winner from East Pakistan. Following the 1971 War and the separation of East Pakistan, Yahya Khan resigned and Bhutto took over as President and Chief Martial Law Administrator on December 20, 1971.
In early 1972, Bhutto nationalized ten categories of major industries, and withdrew Pakistan from the Commonwealth of Nations and S. E. A. T. O. when Britain and other western countries recognized the new state of Bangladesh. On March 1, he introduced land reforms, and on July 2, 1972, signed the Simla Agreement with India, which paved the way for the return of occupied lands and the release of Pakistani prisoners captured in East Pakistan in the 1971 war.
After the National Assembly passed the 1973 Constitution, Bhutto was sworn-in as the Prime Minister of the country.
On December 30, 1973, Bhutto laid the foundation of Pakistan’s first steel mill at Pipri, near Karachi. On January 1, 1974, Bhutto nationalized all banks. On February 22, 1974, the second Islamic Summit was inaugurated in Lahore. Heads of States of most of the 38 Islamic countries attended the Summit.
Following a political crisis in the country, Bhutto was imprisoned by General Zia-ul-Haq, who imposed Martial Law on July 5, 1977.
On April 4, 1979, the former Prime Minister was hanged, after the Supreme Court upheld the death sentence passed by the Lahore High Court. The High Court had given him the death sentence on charges of murder of the father of a dissident P. P. P. politician.
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was buried in his ancestral village at Garhi Khuda Baksh, next to his father’s grave. |
The most common explanation which will be flying around is that Mrs Bhutto will want to utilise the excellent abilities of Dr Tahir-ul-Qadri to clear her name with regards to the Swiss cases. This reasoning does not really hit home as firstly, she is herself, world renowned and has access to world media in order to put her case forward. Secondly, Dr Tahir-ul-Qadri is a staunch advocate of ridding corruption from the country through across the board accountability, so it is illogical to assume that he will follow such a course. Dr Tahir-ul-Qadri was perfectly aware that an association with BB will lead to such accusations so he will probably leave BB to deal with her own matters.
Although this is an interesting and quite probable reason for BB joining MQI, the following theory is much more of a practical one. Both BB and Dr Tahir-ul-Qadri have deep grievances with President Musharraf. Both were side lined by him in the October election although by different means. Dr Tahir-ul-Qadri had of course been with the Musharraf regime until before the election when he announced that the president had a hidden agenda, which of course has materialized in the shape of the current parliament and the commotion surrounding it. After the election Dr Tahir-ul-Qadri would have preferred to be in the official opposition but with it being dominated by the MMA he stayed well away from it. On the other hand he did not join the government as he believed it was totally under the control of President Musharraf, with it having no authority. Now with it emerging that the MMA and the government have struck some sort of deal behind the scenes, the MMA can no longer be seen as the opposition. With that being the case the job of the opposition will fall into the hands of the PPP and PML(N). As this will be true opposition without the MMA, it will perfectly suit Dr Tahir-ul-Qadri. The PPP and PML(N) currently lack a true voice and leadership within and outside the National assembly, with there being no better orator than Dr Tahir-ul-Qadri he can perfectly fill that vacuum. Dr Tahir-ul-Qadri on the other hand will have the support of seventy or so MNAs behind him in the Assembly which he currently lacks. Musharaf will be the one to lose out the most if this was to happen as the sole aim will be to bulldoze over him. Well it is all a question of a few 'ifs' and this theory could be in operation.
